Mykola BENDIUK,
Head of the Art Cluster of Ostroh Academy,
Artist-Restorer (Rivne)
"FROM GENERATION TO GENERATION,
MY FAMILY FOUGHT
FOR AN INDEPENDENT UKRAINE"
FROM GENERATION TO GENERATION,
MY FAMILY FOUGHT FOR AN INDEPENDENT UKRAINE
My entire family was part of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) [1]; there was no one in the Soviet army. My grandparents suffered for an independent Ukraine. In 1943, my maternal grandfather was executed by the Germans, and their house, along with my grandmother, was burned down due to their connection to the UPA. My mother was left an orphan at the age of three and had to move from one relative’s home to another.
It was the same on my father’s side. In Derman [2], Red Army soldiers—mostly NKVD troops [3] —surrounded my grandfather’s farmstead during the night, before the Battle of Hurby [4], and set it on fire. My grandfather, grandmother, and their children, including my father, who was six years old at the time, were asleep. My grandfather was the first to run out of the house; he was shot immediately. They allowed my grandmother and the children to leave. My father managed to grab a pillow, which saved him because it was cold outside. The NKVD soldiers wanted to execute the children too, but a lieutenant said, "They’ll die on their own."
The farmstead was deep in the forest, far from the village, but they managed to reach it and stayed with relatives in the neighboring village of Lebedi.
So, my entire family has fought for Ukraine's independence, generation after generation. Naturally, I was raised as a conscious patriot from childhood. Family history was not openly discussed; most of what I learned came from my father when he had been drinking—he would loosen up and recount how the house was burned and how my grandfather was executed.
My mother was more cautious, but by the late 1980s, she began to talk more openly about how the Germans tried to destroy them, followed by the Soviets. My uncle, who was a UPA commander, was killed. My mother’s sister was arrested and sent to Magadan.
Since both my father’s and mother’s parents had been killed by either the Germans or the Red Army, neither of them were deported but instead wandered from one temporary shelter, as we called them, to another, or stayed with relatives.
In 1941, when the Germans arrived, they were welcomed en masse because people had already experienced life under the Soviets, who came in 1939 (prior to that, the region was under Poland). The Soviets had destroyed so many lives and filled the prisons that it became evident: they needed to escape the Soviet Union. That’s why the Germans were greeted with bread and salt, wearing embroidered shirts and Mazepynka caps [5]. This sentiment was widespread—I’d say about 90% of the population, if not more, felt this way.
Of course, there were those who sympathized with the Soviet regime, but even members of the Communist Party of Western Ukraine (CPWU) came to understand the true nature of Soviet power. The Soviets repressed CPWU members alongside nationalists because, while they supported a communist Ukraine, they still envisioned it as an independent state. They paid dearly for this stance: in 1941, as the Red Army retreated from our towns, they executed everyone—both nationalists and pro-Ukrainian communists—in the prisons. This happened in Ostroh, Dubno, Rivne, and other towns. For the local population, the arrival of the Germans was perceived as liberation from Soviet dictatorship.
My uncle, who was one of the leaders of the OUN [6] and later a commander in the UPA, traveled across towns in Rivne Oblast, primarily in Polissia, proclaiming the restoration of Ukrainian independence. While Yaroslav Stetsko [7] made this proclamation in Lviv, my uncle, Andriy Lutsyk, did so in this region, appointing police chiefs and burgomasters in these towns. However, this autonomy was short-lived—June, July, and a bit of August. In August, the Germans began pursuing my uncle, forcing him to go underground, though the administrations he had established remained in place.
Police units were organized, and efforts were made to create uniforms resembling Austrian-German styles. However, making uniforms was not an easy task, so people wore whatever was available. The only consistent identifier was the Mazepynka cap, which was specially made. It could be worn with Soviet uniforms, German ones, or individually tailored outfits.
The police units remained active in our region until 1942, maintaining order without any issues between the Germans, the police, the town administrations, or the village elders. The Ukrainian administration collected taxes, as had been done during Polish rule before the Soviets. These taxes were sent to Germany. However, in 1942, tensions began to rise.
The Germans decided to shift their focus to the Polish population, which was significant in the area. Polish colonies had been established in the 1920s when the territory became part of Poland, and efforts were made to Polonize the region. These colonies were densely populated, and the Germans sought to use them. Ukrainian independence was not in their interests. Gradually, they began integrating Polish units into the police, forming separate Polish and Ukrainian detachments.
By late 1942 and early 1943, the entire Ukrainian police force went underground into the forests, forming the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). Administrative and policing functions were taken over by the Polish police, leading to a brutal wave of violence. In fact, it was Poles who betrayed my maternal relatives to the Germans. A large group of Poles entered their village and informed the Germans about my grandfather, claiming that his son, my uncle Andriy Lutsyk—known by his codename "Pecheritsa," a reconnaissance commander in the UPA's "North" division—should surrender himself.
My uncle understood that if he surrendered, he would be executed, and so would his father, my grandfather. Therefore, he did not surrender. My grandfather was executed, and later, following the Poles' lead, German and Polish police arrived, burned down their house, and killed my grandmother before setting her and the house on fire.
My mother recounted that when they retrieved my grandmother’s charred body, only her dress remained intact. She had been lying in bed, clearly not moving, so what was done to her remains unknown. Her brother, my great-uncle, was found curled up, suggesting he was still alive when the house was set on fire. Fortunately, my mother had been playing in a neighbor’s yard at the time; otherwise, she too would have perished.
Ukrainians were forced to leave the village, which became entirely Polish. It is important to understand that my uncle could not simply forgive the Poles who had occupied his native village and used it as a base for raids. They collaborated with the Germans and received weapons from them. The UPA surrounded the village, preventing the Poles from leaving. Andriy Lutsyk gave them an ultimatum: leave for the city, as the village belonged to the Ukrainians. They did not comply and even captured one of the UPA couriers, handing him over to the Germans in Berezne [8], where he was hanged. This led to an order to expel the Poles.
From our perspective, the expulsion was not entirely justified, as the UPA began shooting directly into the houses. Many women and children perished, though most had left the village earlier.
This conflict highlighted significant tensions between the Polish and Ukrainian populations in the area: the Poles wanted Volhynia to become Polish, while the Ukrainians were defending their homeland. The Poles began to support the Germans, while the Ukrainians rallied behind the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, recognizing it as their only protector.
At that time, Ukrainian support for the UPA was, I believe, even stronger than when the Germans first arrived—around 90% of the population supported the insurgents. However, when Soviet forces returned in 1944, the situation changed. Some UPA fighters had previously been soldiers in the Red Army: they were captured by the Germans and later freed from concentration camps by Bandera’s forces. These men joined the UPA in the forests and fought effectively against the Germans.
But now, these soldiers, who were Ukrainians from Donetsk and other eastern regions, began to defect en masse to the NKVD. Following them, members of the Melnyk faction of the OUN [9] —another branch of the organization—also started to collaborate with the Soviets. The Melnykites had fought well against the Germans too, but when Soviet rule returned, some fled abroad, while others, unable to leave for the West, agreed to cooperate with Soviet authorities.
These collaborators didn’t just work with the Soviets—they created so-called "UPA units" in the area. The local population still recognized them as "Banderites" because they had fought in the forests. However, the NKVD placed their own commanders in each of these units. These were officers trained in Kharkiv, specifically taught how to manage and operate in the region, including learning the local dialect to avoid raising suspicion.
These fake "UPA units" began systematically targeting the local population. They had detailed information about families connected to the UPA and would raid their homes, looting and killing women and children. In the Mlyniv region, there is a place called Safatova Dolyna [10] , where hundreds of Ukrainians—primarily the most patriotic segment of the civilian population—were massacred. This was done deliberately to provoke outrage and diminish support for the UPA.
My mother used to say, "At night, you never knew who had come, because not everyone in Mazepynka caps with tridents was a true Banderite." People would arrive, claiming to be from the UPA, and ask for food. Villagers would give it to them, only for the same individuals to return the next day with NKVD forces, resulting in deportations or executions. Suspicion grew among the population: they recognized that the person asking for bread might genuinely be from the UPA, but how could they be sure they hadn't sold out to the Soviets? People began to fear everyone. Gradually, the local population stopped supporting the Ukrainian Insurgent Army because they could no longer discern whether they were aiding true nationalists or disguised Soviet agents.
[1] The Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) was a military-political organization that operated in Ukraine from 1942 to 1960. It was the armed wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists – Revolutionary (OUN-R), also known as the Bandera faction of the OUN.
[2] Derman is a settlement located in the Zdolbuniv District of Rivne Oblast, Ukraine.
[3] Special units created by the NKVD were designed to combat national liberation movements, primarily in territories annexed by the USSR before the German-Soviet war. These units operated against the OUN and UPA in Ukraine (mainly in the Western regions), the "Forest Brothers" in the Baltic states, and the "Black Cats" in Belarus.
[4] The Battle of Hurby (April 21–25, 1944) took place between Soviet NKVD forces and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) near the Hurby tract in the southern part of Zdolbuniv District. The conflict extended into parts of the modern Dubno and Ostroh Districts in Rivne Oblast, as well as Kremenets and Shumsk Districts in Ternopil Oblast. The battle concluded with a tactical victory for Soviet forces, although the Ukrainian insurgents managed to break out of the encirclement. After the battle, the victors burned the surrounding villages of Hurby and Antonivtsi, deporting their residents. The exact number of military and civilian casualties remains unknown.
[5] The Mazepynka is a traditional cap worn by Ukrainian servicemen, initially associated with the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen and the Ukrainian Galician Army. It was later adopted by the Carpathian Sich and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). Since 2015, it has been included as part of the official uniform of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
[6] The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) is a Ukrainian socio-political movement aimed at establishing, preserving, and developing an independent and united Ukrainian state. It was founded in 1929 in Vienna and was officially legalized in Ukraine as a public organization in 1993.
[7] Yaroslav Semenovych Stetsko (1912–1986) was a Ukrainian political and military figure, a prominent member of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), and one of the ideologists and leaders of Ukrainian nationalism. Starting in 1941, he served as the first deputy to OUN(B) leader Stepan Bandera. Together with Bandera, he co-authored the Act of Restoration of the Ukrainian State on June 30, 1941. From 1942 to 1944, Stetsko was imprisoned in the German Sachsenhausen concentration camp. In 1946, he became the head of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations and chaired the leadership of the OUN(B).
[8] Berezne is currently the administrative center of the Berezne Urban Community in the Rivne District of Rivne Oblast, Ukraine.
[9] The Melnyk faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-M) emerged following a split from the so-called "revolutionary" faction at the beginning of 1940. It united the majority of nationalists who supported Andriy Melnyk. Colonel Andriy Melnyk, a former officer of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR) Army, represented the older and more moderate wing of the organization.
[10] Safatova Dolyna, also known as the Valley of Death, is a burial site for victims who were reportedly killed by "Bandera bandits" in 1944–45 in the Demydiv District of Rivne Oblast. According to declassified information, by 1945, the Soviet regime had created 157 special groups disguised as UPA units throughout Western Ukraine. Nearly fifty of these special squads operated in the Rivne region alone.
IT WAS BECAUSE OF SUCH PEOPLE WHO 'CHANGED COLORS'
THAT THE UKRAINIAN MOVEMENT
Recently, I bought a house and discovered engravings by Nil Khasevych, along with documents from the Security Service of the OUN (SB OUN) of the Ostroh District. These documents included records on local residents—many of their descendants still live here. The records clearly indicated who had collaborated with the NKVD. While their descendants are convinced their grandparents were patriots who fought in the UPA, revealing the truth about their ancestors feels uncomfortable.
At the same time, there is no reason to doubt the authenticity of this information—it was collected by the SB OUN, not by Soviet agencies, which might have falsified such data.
When I received this archive, I was anxious, fearing that perhaps one of my relatives, even distant ones, had broken down or become a traitor.
It must be said that not everyone could endure such a life, especially in the forest. It was extremely difficult, particularly in winter, when you couldn't leave the hideout (kryivka) [11]. You had to remain inside for months because your footprints in the snow could lead to the hideout being discovered, resulting in the execution of you and your comrades.
In 1947–48, the Soviets dropped leaflets into the forests, promising that anyone who came out and repented to the Soviet authorities would be allowed to live. That’s how two of my second cousins left the forest. The SB OUN’s records note that they did come out, but they were under observation: one worked in forestry, and the other on a tractor brigade in a collective farm. However, they did not collaborate with the NKVD. I suspect the Soviets initially tried to persuade them to betray others, but they failed to achieve this.
Traitors were identified in various ways. For example, it was observed that someone frequently received visits at night from Lieutenant Solovyov and his strybky (Soviet auxiliary troops) [12]. That was enough to figure out where he was getting his information.
My aunt, my father’s sister, who was much older than him, served as a courier for the OUN. I came across records documenting her arrest. She was only 17 at the time. The NKVD began taking her to various locations, hoping she would reveal someone or something. However, my aunt only pointed to two kryivky that had been abandoned a year earlier.
When the OUN Security Service investigated the incident, they reported that "Sofia Bendyuk was captured, but she only revealed hideouts we had vacated a year ago." When the NKVD brought her to a kryivka, they would throw her inside first—if anyone was there, they would kill her first.
As I studied the archive, I realized that my family did not betray anyone.I believe that due to reasons I mentioned earlier, support for the UPA significantly declined—only about 30-40% of the population continued to sympathize with them. If it had been less, the fighters who were still active in the forests during the 1950s wouldn’t have been able to survive for so long. They were helped by trustworthy people who knew there was still a genuine Ukrainian underground—not the one that had sold out to the NKVD in exchange for personal benefits or the lives of their relatives.
I can understand those who left the forest but did not betray anyone. That is a normal phenomenon, as not everyone could endure such a harsh existence. However, I cannot accept those who betrayed others, leading to many deaths. I believe that sooner or later, these archives should be opened, and the traitors should be exposed.
We are currently working on many different projects related to the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). One of them, which we agreed on with Andriy Zhyvik, a candidate of historical sciences who is defending his doctoral dissertation on this period, is a book compiling all the groups that disguised themselves as Banderites to destroy local populations. There is a wealth of materials—he has worked extensively in KGB and NKVD archives. This project alone constitutes an entire volume just for Rivne Oblast. It was due to such individuals who "changed colors" and collaborated with the Soviets that the Ukrainian movement ultimately faltered.
As for today, are there many people in this area who support Russia or wait for its arrival? Certainly not. Conversations like that are not well received here. The only exception is the Moscow church, which is still prevalent in this region. It serves as a platform for Russian psychological operations (IPSO) [13], spreading negativity about the Ukrainian government and instilling ideas like, "Ukraine is failing" or "Don’t go to war; one day, the Russians might come here, and we are blood relatives." They play on two themes: Slavic unity and the Russian language.
However, the Russian language is not popular here—it is only present in the Moscow church. Some people harbor fears about the Russians potentially coming, but these are very few, nowhere near the numbers in eastern Ukraine. Here, Bandera traditions are deeply rooted, and it would be exceedingly difficult for the Russians if they tried to come here.
I analyzed the situation in the most patriotic villages of the Ostroh district, where the greatest support for the UPA existed, and from where the largest number of soldiers joined the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. Here is what I observed: the NKVD, primarily comprised of "transplanted" Russians, first eliminated the men hiding in the forests. Then they deported their families to the Urals and Siberia, resettling others into their homes. Those who remained lived in fear of suffering the same fate.
These areas, which were once black-and-red strongholds of Bandera's supporters, became pro-Russian and pro-Soviet in outlook. This shift was most pronounced in villages where the patriotic population had been decimated. Many of these villages now supported the Russian church and the idea of "Slavic unity."
The newcomers gradually assimilated into Ukrainian culture. In Ostroh, some Russian was still spoken, especially among the intelligentsia, as was the case in Rivne. However, in the villages, only Ukrainian was spoken, and the newcomers had to learn the language to survive.
As a result, the Ukrainian spirit in this region was somewhat diminished. However, it is now inconceivable that people here would welcome Russians with bread and salt. That is impossible. Even though there were traitors here in both 1939 and 1944, their descendants, unaware of this history, are patriots of Ukraine today.
[11] A kryivka was a military-defensive and logistical underground structure used by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), also referred to as a bunker or hideout. These structures became widespread during the war against Soviet punitive forces. The UPA’s engineering units designed over 10,000 kryivky for purposes such as housing vehicles, artillery, mortars, firearms, ammunition, printing presses, sewing workshops, field hospitals, and the families of UPA high command. Kryivky also served as food storage bases to aid the survival of Ukraine's civilian population during the Communist-engineered famine of 1946–1947.
[12] Extermination Battalions (commonly referred to as "strybky" from the Russian term "истребительные батальоны") were paramilitary units active between 1944 and 1954. They were formed from the local Ukrainian population (and initially also from Poles) to protect Soviet authority and combat the Ukrainian underground resistance.
[13] Information and Psychological Operation (IPSO). Elements of IPSO include disinformation, propaganda, exaggeration or minimization of certain information, sabotage in the rear, and cyberattacks.
A Unique Find in the Attic of a Former Banderite’s House
In 1989, during the establishment of the People’s Movement of Ukraine (Narodny Rukh Ukrainy), I was organizing the effort in Ostroh and became the first head of the district chapter. Around that time, someone brought me a newspaper from a village near Ostroh. The newspaper's masthead was created by Nil Khasevych [14], and it was there that I first saw one of his engravings. I already knew who Nil Khasevych was. Of course, he was not mentioned in the Soviet Union, but there were still people who remembered the insurgent movement. For example, Petro Zotovych Andrukhov, a resident of Ostroh, told me stories about those times and about Khasevych in particular. His father had been in the police, and Andrukhov himself had worked as a burgomaster in Ostroh.
When I received that newspaper, I thought, "Finally, one engraving by Khasevych has been found." He had carved the block used to print the masthead. It was a unique item because it seemed impossible to find more—most had been destroyed by the Soviets. I carried that newspaper with me for a long time before eventually donating it to the Ostroh Museum of Local Lore. I always understood that Khasevych was a figure of immense significance, as I was deeply interested in art.
Then I bought a house about three kilometers from where we are now, on an ancient Rus hillfort. It was the home of a former Banderite who had been exiled and had died in deportation. My friend and I climbed into the attic, where we found a small bag. Inside were about 100 original engravings by Khasevych, all in pristine condition, printed in 1949.
It turns out that when this Banderite was arrested in 1948, his wife and young son remained in the house. By 1949, when the Banderites were convinced that the NKVD would not come looking for the woman and her child, they constructed a kryivka (hiding bunker) in the house. The ground near the house is now caving in; I have not yet explored the pit, but most likely, there was an entrance to the kryivka from the kitchen.
In 1949, one of the Banderites brought a bag containing these 100 engravings by Khasevych. Along with them was a lecture on the history of Ukrainian art written by Nil Khasevych himself. This is an extraordinary find! The lecture, typewritten, explains how to understand the history of art, describing various styles, including those of the 20th century, and providing guidance on drawing and engraving techniques. It is an art history analysis. In 1949, Khasevych apparently visited the area and conducted educational sessions in forest kryivkas, as people could not leave their hideouts and needed something to occupy themselves.
The archives of the OUN Security Service (SB OUN) also contain training materials—covering global political and economic situations, the development of various countries, and the evolution of the USSR. These analyses were even presented in percentage terms. All these lectures were read in kryivkas, and I found another one attributed to Khasevych. Whether he personally visited this area, I cannot say, but the lecture is undoubtedly his. Last year, it was published in the journal Obrazotvorche Mystetstvo (Fine Arts).
I traveled to the village of Dyuksyn, where Nil Khasevych was born, near Rivne, in search of any evidence of an artist of such caliber having lived there. Unfortunately, I found nothing in the village that pointed to his presence. I was told that there was an icon in the local church painted by Khasevych. I examined the icons there but found nothing that matched the level of his craftsmanship.
I was informed about a family that had moved from Dyuksyn to Kostopil and had taken some drawings and paintings with them. I tracked down this family and discovered two original pencil drawings by Khasevych. These were not engravings but pencil sketches. They were extremely well-executed, demonstrating the skill of an artist who had graduated from the Warsaw Academy of Arts.
Researching the life of Nil Khasevych, I discovered that he was born into the family of a dyak (church cantor). For him, there seemed to be no other path but to attend the religious school, which at that time was located in the Klevan Castle [15]. All children of the clergy studied at this school, though it was essentially a primary school, where Nil Khasevych spent three years.
After completing his studies there, children who wished to pursue a religious vocation would proceed to a seminary. However, Nil Khasevych did not follow this path; instead, he asked to be enrolled in an advanced primary school in Rivne. His parents agreed, and while studying there, Khasevych also attended drawing lessons with an artist named Len, who lived on Parkova Street.
But tragedy struck. The higher primary school was located near the railway, and one day Nil and his mother were crossing the tracks when they were hit by a train. His mother died instantly, and Nil lost a leg. His father initiated a legal case against the railway (Rivne was part of Poland at the time) and won; the railway paid compensation for the loss of Nil's leg. Nil crafted his own crutch and used the compensation money to travel to Warsaw, where he enrolled in the Academy of Arts.
At that time, artists from Ukrainian territories who had settled in Warsaw organized the “Spokij” (Peace) group [16]. Nil Khasevych joined this circle.
To support himself (as he had no income apart from the disability compensation), he worked by creating illustrations for books, primarily Ukrainian ones (Warsaw was home to a Ukrainian diaspora), and also designed ex libris, or bookplates. Documents reveal that Nil Khasevych asked the academy administration to waive his tuition fees due to his financial hardship, but the request was denied. As a result, he had to make ends meet by offering private lessons and borrowing money from friends. He completed his education and honed his artistic skills but was not awarded a diploma because he could not afford the payment required.
While working in Warsaw, together with members of the "Spokiy" art circle, Nil Khasevych participated in exhibitions in Rivne, Lutsk, and Lviv. He also visited Ostroh with friends, sketching the city, traveling through Polissya, and creating illustrations of churches. During his studies in Warsaw, Khasevych decided to focus on graphic art rather than painting. Only two photographs of his paintings have survived.
He received awards for these works, as every artist was expected to master both painting and graphic art. However, Khasevych chose to dedicate himself to graphics, likely influenced by his disability. Unable to move as freely as others or travel for plein air painting, he channeled his energy into his craft and remained an active figure. Graphic art became central to his life because it suited his abilities and talents. He could transform even small book illustrations into monumental works, always envisioning the final product from the outset.
Through extensive illustration work for books and newspapers, Khasevych honed his skills and gained recognition. Some of his works were exhibited internationally, including in America and Paris. Despite his physical limitations and lack of funds, he was unable to travel globally. However, his art reached audiences worldwide, cementing his legacy as a prominent graphic artist.
He dreamed of buying a house on the banks of the Horyn River in Rivne region to create a kind of artistic hub where Ukrainian artists could come to work—a House of Creativity. He had even managed to gather the necessary funds to realize this dream, but in the fall of 1939, the Soviet authorities came to the region, and Khasevych realized his plans would never materialize.
It is likely that by that time, he was a member of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), although there is no conclusive evidence. However, his regular involvement with OUN leaders and participation in their circles strongly suggests his affiliation. In 1939-1940, the Soviet authorities did not target him, and he managed to avoid drawing their attention, living quietly in his village.
When the Germans arrived, it became clear that Khasevych hoped for Ukrainian independence and believed the Germans might support this cause. Unfortunately, like many others, he was soon disillusioned by the true nature of the occupation regime.
Ulas Samchuk [17], who launched the newspaper Volyn in Rivne, invited him to create illustrations. The first issues of Volyn were, in fact, illustrated by Nil Khasevych—these included title designs and drawings for the articles. The editorial office was located not far from where his art teacher's studio had been. After 1941 and a part of 1942, he left the editorial office (the reasons for this are unclear) and took up a position as a judge. Perhaps a conflict arose: Nil Khasevych was a staunch supporter of Bandera's faction, while Ulas Samchuk sided with Melnyk's faction. At that time, there was significant opposition between these two branches of the OUN. Alternatively, it could be that the new position offered a higher salary, or perhaps he sought to do something beneficial for the population of Derazhne, where he had been invited to serve as a judge.
But already in 1943, at the very inception of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), a man on crutches, who found it difficult to move even in the city, went into the forest, fully aware that there would be no way back from the underground bunkers, and began working on propaganda materials. He created a unique typeface (which, incidentally, is still used by the Armed Forces of Ukraine today, adopting the identity he developed. Even some of the awards presented by the Commander-in-Chief are partially based on his designs). In 1943, in the forest, he developed designs for awards, insignia, and armbands for UPA commanders, which have been adopted as a foundation and are still in use by the Ukrainian Armed Forces.
He understood that leaflets were not just text, which might not attract as much attention as a “visual image.” Today, we know that people who look at smartphones tend to have a short attention span. Hasevych knew that influencing people required not only words but also visual art. He created an entire series of engravings, carving them onto wooden boards and then printing them on paper. The texts were typed on typewriters, which were plentiful in the underground bunkers at the time, and prints were made using zincography.
Additionally (though I’m not sure whose idea it was), bofons [19] were produced—currency used within the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). UPA soldiers used these to pay local residents for food, clothing, and other necessities, promising that once they came to power, the amounts indicated on the bofons would be redeemed for actual karbovanets. Essentially, they acted as a form of loan. People kept these bofons, hoping that Ukraine would achieve independence and the notes would be exchanged for real money. This was a significant risk because possessing such currency was direct evidence that a family willingly supported the UPA. For this reason, bofons were either securely hidden or destroyed—some out of fear, others because they had lost faith in the possibility of an independent Ukrainian state. Today, bofons are a rarity, but I was fortunate to stumble upon them.
Currently, together with my colleague Oleksandr Grebenyuk, we have amassed a large collection of Nilo Hasevych’s original engravings and two of his original drawings—an exceptional find, as only a few have survived, mainly in Lutsk’s museum. We hope that one day we will establish a museum dedicated to the chief artist of the UPA, Nilo Hasevych, as he belongs to our region, Rivne, and such a museum deserves to be located in Rivne.
To date, my colleague Oleksandr Grebenyuk and I have amassed a large collection of Nilo Hasevych’s original engravings, as well as two of his original drawings—a truly unique find, as only a few such works have survived, and most are housed in a museum in Lutsk. We hope that one day we will establish a museum dedicated to the chief artist of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), Nilo Hasevych, as he is a native of our Rivne region, and such a museum rightfully belongs in Rivne.
Nilo Hasevych had the opportunity to leave with the troops retreating to the West. He could have reached the American zone quite easily, even traveling by horse-drawn cart. He also had a bicycle adapted for convenient use with one leg, which he likely used to move between bunkers. As a commander, he was consulted by the top leaders of the UPA and was even a member of the Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council (UHVR), which granted him significant authority within the UPA.
He was offered the chance to go abroad but chose to stay. Instead, he sent a set of his engravings abroad, which were later published in a small edition by the Ukrainian diaspora in the United States. This unique publication was gifted to me by an acquaintance from Canada who learned about my efforts to collect Hasevych’s works. While I cannot verify the authenticity of this account, it is said in our circles that in 1952, during a session of the United Nations General Assembly, this album [20] of Nilo Hasevych’s works was distributed to all attending politicians. In doing so, the Ukrainian diaspora aimed to demonstrate that Ukraine had not perished—it continued to fight and strive for independence.
Allegedly, following this, Stalin issued a direct order to eliminate Hasevych. A gryps [21] (a command note intended to be delivered via underground communication) came into the hands of Boris Steklyar [22], an NKVD operative in Rivne (notably, he passed away about two years ago, having received awards and a pension from the Ukrainian state, against which he had once fought). The note mentioned the need for blanks made from cherry wood. Steklyar deduced that these wooden blocks could be used to create engraving plates, leading him to locate Hasevych's hiding place in the Sukhivka hamlets near Klevan.
The NKVD began closely monitoring the area and eventually tracked down the bunker where Hasevych was hiding. Their orders were to capture him alive, but a firefight broke out. To this day, it remains unclear whether Hasevych took his own life or was killed. A post-mortem photograph exists, taken in Klevan, where his body was displayed. He is shown seated against a fence, his crutch beside him, with the bodies of his guards lying nearby.
Local residents were required to identify the body. Afterward, it was taken somewhere. There are two versions: either it was simply taken outside Klevan and buried in a field, or it was transported to Rivne. Since he was a well-known figure, photo documentation of the identification was likely conducted, and it is said that the bodies of OUN commanders and leaders were typically buried either in the Hrabnyk [23] area of Rivne or near what is now Shevchenko Park.
I believe that Shevchenko Park could be the burial site of Nilo Hasevych and a common grave for all UPA commanders brought to Rivne for identification. There is no concrete evidence of where they were buried. However, it is logical: the park is across the road from the prison, and at that time, it was simply a closed-off area.
[14] Nil Antonovych Khasevych (1905–1952) – Ukrainian artist, graphic designer, active public and political figure, member of the OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and the UHVR (Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council).
[15] Klevan Castle was located in the western part of the settlement of Klevan (Rivne District, Rivne Region). Records of the original fortress date back to 1475. Remains of the defensive structure and the buildings of the former religious school have been preserved.
[16] "Spokiy" was a Ukrainian art circle founded in 1927 by students of the Academy of Arts in Warsaw, initiated by Petro Megyk (1899–1992). Megyk was a Ukrainian artist, the founder of the Ukrainian Art Studio in Philadelphia (USA), and a prominent organizer of cultural and artistic life among Ukrainians in America.
[17] Ulas Oleksiyovych Samchuk (1905–1987) was a Ukrainian writer, journalist, publicist, and editor, as well as a member of the government of the Ukrainian People's Republic in exile. He was part of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). After the split within the OUN, he sided with Andriy Melnyk.
[18] Derazhne is a village in Ukraine located in the Rivne district of Rivne region. It serves as the administrative center of the Derazhne rural community.
[19] Bofons (from "combat fund") were one-sided (less commonly, double-sided) monetary documents (receipts) featuring national symbols and the emblems of the OUNR and UPA, along with corresponding inscriptions (or only symbols without inscriptions). These documents could have fixed denominations or none at all. Authorized representatives of the OUN or UPA issued them to individuals in exchange for voluntarily donated funds, levies collected as contingents, or requisitioned resources. Payments could be made in cash, food products, clothing, or other items.
[20] In 1951, an order came from the Soviet capital to "suppress the anti-Soviet activities" of Hasevych, as his engravings from the underground had reached delegates of the United Nations General Assembly and foreign diplomats. These works were subsequently published in a collection titled "Graphics in the UPA Bunkers" (from Wikipedia).
[21] A "hryps" is a narrow, elongated piece of cigarette paper containing secret information needed by insurgent units. In the event of a threat of arrest, it was to be swallowed immediately.
[22] Borys Yukhymovych Steklyar (1923–2018) was a colonel in the KGB of the USSR. He led an interregional operational group that carried out the liquidation of Nilo Hasevych. In 1976, he retired from his position as the head of a department of the KGB of the Ukrainian SSR in the Rivne region, after which he headed the international agency "Intourist" in Rivne. Steklyar filed a lawsuit to prohibit the declassification of his personal file and documents that confirm his involvement in the liquidation of UPA fighters.
[23] Hrabnyk is a northeastern suburb of the city of Rivne. It is known that in the 18th century, a grove of hornbeam trees was planted here. In the early 19th century, part of the forest was turned into a cemetery, which still retains this name today.
"ONE OF MY AUNTS RECEIVED 25 YEARS IN THE GULAG,
WHILE ANOTHER SAVED HERSELF BY MARRYING A 'STRYBOK'"
Not far from the bunker where Nil Khasevych perished, another bunker became the final resting place of my uncle, Andriy Lutsyk. In 1944, after the return of Soviet forces, he was appointed head of the OUN military field gendarmerie for the Zhytomyr and Kyiv regions. He went there to organize resistance against Soviet power. Upon returning to Rivne, he hid in the village of Drukhiv near Berezne. He was betrayed to the NKVD, who were hunting him. He, along with two guards, was surrounded in a bunker. Refusing to surrender, knowing he would face torture and eventual execution, he resisted to the end. Whether he took his own life or was killed is something no one can say for sure.
My aunt Maria, Andriy Lutsyk’s sister, joined the UPA as a nurse and liaison officer. After my uncle’s death, she remained in the forest. In 1948, she was captured and brought to the Ostroh prison, where she was interrogated. I have seen the transcript of her interrogation. She spoke about herself and confirmed that she was the sister of UPA commander Andriy Lutsyk, who had already been killed. When asked under whose command she served, she named two commanders who were already deceased. She refused to say anything about those still alive. “I have nothing more to say to you. I have said what I wanted to say. I am loyal to the idea of an independent Ukraine, and I oppose collective farms. You will get nothing more from me,” she said. These words (recorded in Russian, of course) were included in the protocol by the investigator.
She was sentenced to 25 years in the Magadan labor camps. Upon release, she was not allowed to return home and remained in Kazakhstan. She only returned to Ukraine after it declared independence, by which time she had grown children.
I spoke with her about those years. She recounted being in various detention centers and mentioned uprisings at her camp, though I did not probe for details. Did she ever take up arms? No, she said she never fired a weapon. She treated the wounded, but her main "crime" was being the sister of a UPA commander. She was brutally beaten in the Ostroh prison (which is now a music school). She sat in the cellars of that building. Not everyone survived the beatings. Those who were killed were either buried in the courtyard or taken away at night. She told me that the cellars became increasingly crowded because they were filled with corpses, which were then sealed up to mask the stench. When returning prisoners from interrogations, they didn’t even bother with the stairs—they simply threw them into the pit. For interrogations, they were dragged back up, beaten, and thrown down again.
After her final words recorded in the protocol, she remained silent during subsequent interrogations. “And that was for the best,” she said, “because if I had said even a single word, they would have unraveled more and come after others. The most important thing was not to betray anyone still alive, to prevent them or their families from being imprisoned or killed.”
My second aunt, Sofia, whom I’ve already mentioned, was a liaison officer in the UPA, and not just an ordinary one—at just 17 years old, she was the head of communications. In the 1990s, there were still living UPA members who served under her, and they recounted how they would come to her with hrypsy—command orders—which she would sort, issue other instructions, and dispatch them. She personally oversaw the entire insurgent mail process. Everyone knew their role: for example, where to retrieve and where to deposit a hryps in a hollow tree in the forest.
She was also tracked down in 1948. They beat her and interrogated her about the whereabouts of the insurgents, but she did not betray anyone. However, while my first aunt received 25 years in the camps, Sofia faced no punishment beyond the beatings during interrogation. Why? My aunt Sofia revealed that the NKVD operatives didn’t realize she was the head of communications, and there was another reason: one of the Strybky gave her an ultimatum—either she would be executed, or she would marry him. She was forced to marry this Strybok and lived with him for a year. Later, her husband was hit by a car—his head was completely severed, and they buried him headless. I suspect this wasn’t accidental. My aunt never spoke about it, but one uncle, who had been part of her communication group, told me that all the boys who brought her hrypsy were in love with her, and he himself had wanted to marry her. She eventually remarried, had children, and built a life for herself.
But such a happy ending was rare. Things usually turned out differently. I’ve forgotten the surname of another liaison officer, though her name was Maria. She was also in Ostroh. The NKVD captured her, beat her severely, and raped her, and she eventually agreed to lead them to the bunkers. On the way, when they passed by a well, she asked for water. They stopped, as they too wanted to drink, and approached the well with her—her hands were bound. Suddenly, she jumped into the well. Clearly, she knew she might not endure further torture and chose not to betray her comrades.
WE MUST REPENT TOGETHER AND FORGIVE EACH OTHER
You may ask, where did such willpower and self-sacrifice come from? The OUN prepared young people for such trials. My uncle, Andriy Lutsyk, joined the OUN sometime in the early 1930s. He was Orthodox, but they sent him to study in Lviv at a Ukrainian Catholic seminary. In reality, this was training for OUN members. First and foremost, they were required to learn the Decalogue of the Ukrainian Nationalist, which emphasized that betraying the state was forbidden, and Ukraine came above all else. This Decalogue [24] was studied by everyone who joined the UPA.
Andriy Lutsyk was arrested at the end of 1938, but in September 1939, the Soviets arrived and opened the concentration camps created by the Polish authorities. My uncle was released and continued to work underground. He always knew that Ukraine came first and that one must either fight for its independence or die for it.
In 1942, he led a training school for junior UPA command staff. There are memoirs by a certain Petrenko, who was subordinate to my uncle during this period. Petrenko wrote that Andriy Lutsyk, whose alias was "Pecheritsa," required everyone to learn the Decalogue of the Nationalist by heart. He dreamed of reviving the spirit of the Cossacks (they even referred to themselves as Cossacks in this school) and believed that Ukraine would one day become independent.
However, the most structured organizational efforts were carried out by officers of the UNR Army [25]. In Ostroh, there was a large internment camp for UNR officers, many of whom remained in the area. When the question of forming the UPA arose in 1941, most were initially hesitant to cooperate, except for Colonel Stupnytskyi. He was invited to Rivne to establish a police regiment named after Kholodnyi Yar [26]. He successfully created the regiment, instilling military discipline and order. Later, when the entire regiment moved into the forests due to the Germans’ preference for Poles, Stupnytskyi joined them, and the training programs were carried over. It was during this time that the recruitment of UNR officers intensified.
The Melnyk faction had its own units, which eventually came under the control of the Bandera faction of the UPA. This process of reassignment was often quite forceful. For example, in the Kremenets and Polissia regions, there were two such units. Bandera’s forces surrounded them and presented an ultimatum: either they unite under a single army and submit to Bandera’s command or disband and go home. The argument was clear—uncoordinated actions caused confusion about who was fighting whom.
A similar situation occurred with Bulba-Borovets [27], who was reluctant to subordinate his "Polissian Sich" to Bandera’s UPA. This disagreement escalated into an armed conflict. Ultimately, however, Bandera's forces managed to consolidate parts of both the Melnyk and Bulba factions into a unified army.
But in 1944, when Melnyk supporters and former Red Army soldiers began aligning with the Soviets, the UPA's Security Service (SB UPA) initiated purges, which affected even genuine patriots. This crackdown frightened both Melnyk and Bulba supporters who had no intention of collaborating with the Soviets. As a result, they chose not to continue fighting against Bandera’s forces and began emigrating abroad. Consequently, the strongest Melnyk-oriented diaspora formed in the West, as Bandera’s supporters stayed to fight while Melnyk’s followers fled.
The historical relations between Poles and Ukrainians have also been far from simple. I believe this issue has only been temporarily put on hold. Poles will never fully accept the UPA, especially given the ongoing emphasis on the Volhynia events, which they consider a tragedy inflicted by Ukrainians on the Polish population there. True, many events transpired, but as evident in my family’s case, it was the Poles who initially started targeting peaceful Ukrainian civilians. They hoped that by reducing the Ukrainian presence, more Poles would remain in the region, ensuring it would be considered Polish after the war. Ukrainians, however, sought to defend their ethnic lands.
Ukrainians certainly wouldn’t mind leaving this hostility behind and letting historians make sense of it. Each specific situation needs careful examination, without escalating tensions or inflating the number of victims, as the Semashkos [28] do—there were casualties on both sides. Perhaps one day, the Polish community will mature enough to stop reopening this topic. After all, we too have our grievances. For them, the Armia Krajowa (Home Army) [29] are heroes; for us, they are killers who destroyed our people. Thus, each of us will have our own history: for us, the UPA will always be heroes, but certainly not the Armia Krajowa or Armia Ludowa [30] (People’s Army)—they killed Ukrainians simply because of their ethnicity.
In Poland, the Volhynia issue is deliberately used by politicians as a tool in their struggle for power, stirring up divisions. In Ukraine, no one uses anti-Polish rhetoric for political gain, no matter the times or the emergence of nationalist forces in our politics.
I believe we must repent together and forgive each other. My grandparents were killed by Poles and Germans, but I am ready to forgive because it’s all in the past. Similarly, Poles should also forgive my uncle for his retaliatory actions.
In the context of the Ukrainian liberation movement during World War II, the Jewish question occasionally arises. There was definitely no antisemitism in the UPA, nor in the OUN. Jews who ended up in the forest had to find ways to coexist with the Banderites. In the forest, they were hiding from the Germans, and many of them were doctors who treated UPA fighters. I’ve never heard of any UPA actions targeting Jews.
It is true, however, that police units established at the beginning of the war in our territories followed German orders to lead Jews to execution sites—a painful truth. They didn’t carry out the shootings themselves but escorted them from the ghettos to the places of execution. This was a widespread practice. However, this doesn’t mean that those policemen hated Jews. Many sympathized with them and helped them escape.
If there had been instances of antisemitism in the UPA, I believe commanders would have punished such behavior. Even for drinking alcohol, punishments were severe. I recently found a document about the punishment of one UPA member who went to a widow’s house for the night. She offered him homemade liquor, and he got quite drunk. This happened in a village near Ostroh. For breaking discipline, he was publicly hanged in that village.
People were punished for swearing, and smoking was strictly forbidden. Smoking, especially at night, could reveal the group’s location, and for that, one could be shot or hanged.
I have an interrogation protocol of a man from Ostroh conducted by the OUN Security Service (SBOUN). In 1944, this man collaborated with the Soviets: NKVD agents recruited him, he underwent a three-month course in Rivne, and they sent him to the forest. The cover story was that he had supposedly escaped from the Red Army, where he had recently been drafted, and joined the UPA. The SBOUN uncovered this ploy and began interrogating him. He revealed, among other things, that they had been instructed to behave in certain ways: speak loudly during marches, smoke during overnight stays, and, if possible, harm local civilians. This behavior was meant to create the impression that the Banderites were behaving poorly, thus undermining trust in them among the local population. I have protocols of interrogations of these individuals who became traitors and worked for the NKVD, even though they were Ukrainians, originally from Ostroh.
[24] The Decalogue of the OUN — the 10 commandments of the Ukrainian nationalist. In Greek, "Decalogue" literally means "Ten Statements." Its structure resembles the biblical Ten Commandments.
[25] Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR) — a Ukrainian state with its capital in Kyiv (1917–1921). On January 22, 1918, it was declared an independent and sovereign state. According to the Riga Treaty of 1921, it was divided between Poland on one side and Soviet Russia and the Ukrainian SSR on the other. From 1920 to 1992, the government of the republic was in exile and later transferred its powers to the authorities of independent Ukraine.
[26] The First Ukrainian Regiment named after Kholodnyi Yar — a military unit established on July 27, 1941, in Rivne, initiated by the OUN-R as part of the future Ukrainian National Revolutionary Army. Its commander was Leonid Stupnytskyi, a member of the OUN-B and former colonel of the UNR Army. In April 1942, two-thirds of its personnel deserted, mostly joining the UPA, leading to the complete disbandment of the regiment.
[27] Taras Dmytrovych Borovets (pseudonyms: Taras Bulba, Chub, Gonta; 1908–1981) — a prominent figure in the Ukrainian insurgent movement during World War II, founder of the UPA "Polissian Sich" and the Ukrainian National Guard, and a general of the UPA.
[28] Traditionalist historiography (Władysław and Ewa Siemaszko, Władysław Filar, Grzegorz Mazur, Józef Turowski) interprets the Volyn tragedy as an ethnic cleansing carried out by Ukrainian nationalists against the Polish national minority. They demand that the actions of Ukrainian nationalists during World War II be condemned as criminal. For example, Polish historians Ewa and Władysław Siemaszko estimate the number of Polish victims across all territories of the conflict, including Volyn, at 100,000. According to assessments by the Polish underground in 1944, 15,000 Poles died in Volyn. Soviet estimates suggest that 20,000 were killed. The number of Ukrainian casualties across all territories of the Ukrainian-Polish conflict, including Volyn, is estimated to reach 21,000–24,000 people.
[29] The Armia Krajowa (Home Army) was the armed forces of the Polish underground during World War II (1939–1945). Formed within Poland, it operated under the Polish government-in-exile in London. It was one of the largest and most organized “underground armies” in Europe at the time. The Home Army carried out ethnic cleansings of Ukrainian and Lithuanian populations.
[30] The Armia Ludowa (People’s Army) was an underground military organization and the armed forces of the Polish Workers’ Party (PWP) during World War II. It actively participated in the Resistance Movement. The organization was created to support the establishment of an independent Polish state under the leadership of the PWP, which had close ties to the USSR. Its objectives included fighting against German forces, opposing the occupation administration, and conducting sabotage operations in support of the Red Army.
